Die Philosophie des Neuplatonismus zwischen Porphyrios, Jamblich und Syrian ist uns nur sehr lückenhaft bekannt. Schließen können wir diese Lücke nur mit Hilfe von Autoren wie des römischen Rhetors Marius Victorinus, der sich nach seiner Konversion zum Christentum daranmachte, mit Hilfe der von ihm vorher in Rom gelehrten Philosophie die christliche Trinitätslehre zu verteidigen. Wir wir seit den bahnbrechenden Arbeiten von P. Hadot über Marius Victorinus wissen, hat sich Victorinus dabei einer Form des Neuplatonismus bedient, (...) die nachplotinisch ist. Aber während P. Hadot diese Lehre als die des Plotinschülers Porphyrios nachzuweisen versucht, kommt die vorliegende Studie zu dem Ergebnis, dass sie nach Porphyrios und wahrscheinlich auch nach Jamblich anzusetzen ist. Da die Studie zudem versucht, die Gedankengänge der Marius Victorinus detailliert nachzuvollziehen, stellt sie nicht nur einen wichtigen Beirag zur Geschichte des antiken Platonismus, sondern auch zur Auseinandersetzung der alten Kirche mit diesem dar. (shrink)

Review on Vaclav Nemec, Marius Victorinus: The Consubstantiality of The Trinity OIKOYMENH, Prague, 2006.

Résumé Cet article vise à réexaminer le « scepticisme » de Marius Victorinus, tel que l’avait défini Pierre Hadot, en s’appuyant principalement sur le Commentaire sur le De inventione. On constate que Marius Victorinus y infléchit le propos de l’Arpinate ; dans cet ouvrage antérieur à sa conversion, la condamnation sans appel de l’opinion, liée au monde des hommes, englobe le dogme chrétien ; Victorinus intègre certains motifs sceptiques à un propos globalement influencé par le (...) néoplatonisme porphyrien. Dans un second temps, une comparaison est menée avec la réfutation du scepticisme par Augustin dans le Contra Academicos, écrit en 386. Même si l’on ne peut en tirer de conclusions fermes sur une influence de Victorinus, la comparaison entre ces deux œuvres sur les questions liées aux thèmes de la connaissance, sur les notions de probable, de vrai et de vraisemblable montrent des choix opposés, témoignant d’une réception différente des concepts cicéroniens en la matière. (shrink)

Résumé L’un des canaux par lesquels la philosophie néoplatonicienne s’est trouvée assimilée à la théologie chrétienne (et plus particulièrement la théologie trinitaire) est la lecture que le rhéteur Marius Victorinus a pu faire de l’œuvre de Plotin, fondateur du néoplatonisme. L’ontologie plotinienne exerce en effet une triple influence sur la théologie de Marius Victorinus. En premier lieu, l’articulation plotinienne entre l’ ousia et le mouvement intelligibles (qui apparaît dans le traité 43) fournit l’un des modèles possibles (...) du rapport entre le Père et le Fils. Ensuite, la transcendance de l’Un se trouve intégrée par Victorinus au sein de la Trinité, et permet de penser l’ existentia du Père, pure de toute détermination. Enfin, le mouvement d’autoconstitution de l’Intellect plotinien, qui est la source immanente de ses propres actes, se trouve repris pour saisir la manière dont le Fils déploie et manifeste l’essence du Père. (shrink)

Résumé Cet article a pour but de montrer comment le penseur du IV e siècle Marius Victorinus a utilisé une thèse de la logique aristotélicienne dans son œuvre théologique, plus précisément dans sa démonstration de l’incorrection du concept d’ homoioousion (« de substance semblable ») et dans sa défense de la justesse du concept d’ homoousion (« de substance identique ») pour parler des personnes de la divine Trinité. Marius Victorinus argumente sur la base de la (...) définition que donne Aristote du propre de la qualité, selon laquelle il ne peut y avoir de ressemblance en matière de substance sous peine d’une confusion catégoriale, car la ressemblance appartient exclusivement à la catégorie de la qualité. Un concept postulant une similarité de substance est donc logiquement incorrect. Cette critique a le mérite de mettre en lumière la difficulté, au moins exégétique, à se réclamer des Catégories d’Aristote pour développer une théorie des universaux basée sur la ressemblance et non l’identité. (shrink)

Résumé Si la manifestation a donné à l’ exsistentia ses lettres de noblesse, l’on découvre une irréductibilité de l’existence eu égard à sa manifestation, une réserve de ce qui est par rapport à ce qu’il laisse apparaître de lui-même. Parce qu’il a relayé le platonisme en son élaboration plotinienne, le johannisme a mis l’accent sur une extase de l’être hors de lui-même, condition même de l’émergence du vocabulaire de l’ex-sistence ; mais parce qu’il a poursuivi son chemin au-delà du plotinisme, (...) Marius Victorinus a reconnu une indépendance de l’existence à l’égard de son apparaître extatique. Cette indépendance de l’existence (l’existence paternelle) à l’égard de ce qu’il laisse transparaître tient au fait que cette extase est commandée par la volonté. Avec le Logos, la « puissance » de Dieu, par elle-même inconnaissable, prend l’apparence d’une « sagesse ». Le johannisme platonicien de Marius Victorinus occupe en ce sens une place centrale entre l’« expressionnisme » origénien et l’« idéalisme » augustinien. (shrink)

Résumé On sait comment le choix du terme latin substantia est inséparable d’une interprétation de l’ ousia aristotélicienne comme d’un sujet (stable) recevant des propriétés ou accidents. Cette interprétation de l’étant n’a toutefois pas été exclusive chez les premiers auteurs latins qui se sont approprié la doctrine aristotélicienne des catégories. Marius Victorinus et Boèce se sont en effet attachés, l’un comme l’autre, mais selon des approches distinctes, à un autre sens de l’être : dans cette optique, ce qui (...) est demande à être envisagé, non pas en termes de sujet (subiectum), mais en termes d’acte ( actus, mais aussi opus/operatio ). L’article examine la manière dont cette attention portée à l’acte transmet sans doute, mais en même temps modifie la thématique aristotélicienne de l’ ousia hôs energeia. (shrink)

Résumé L’image sert à la fois de preuve et d’ argument en faveur de l’unité substantielle entre Dieu, dont Victorinus affirme qu’il n’est pas substance, et le Fils qui a substance, forme et subsistance propres. L’image est ainsi une preuve d’existence pour ce qui ne peut pas être connu autrement. Victorinus y fait appel dans l’analyse de l’engendrement et dans la structure des relations trinitaires, en s’appuyant sur la visibilité des existants. La référence princeps pour l’image comme preuve (...) d’existence se trouve dans un passage du Timée. Mais l’image entre dans la démonstration de la consubstantialité aussi comme un argument qui associe l’acte et la substance, l’existant et l’essence, l’être et la species, sur le modèle dialectique de la puissance et de l’acte. Une application similaire se retrouve chez Plotin qui fait de l’image l’enveloppe de visibilité ou de luminosité des choses, comme une sorte de présence hypostatique participante au principe substantiel des choses. Ces deux fonctions de l’image vont ensemble et ne peuvent pas être séparées, bien qu’elles relèvent en réalité de deux genres d’image ( eikôn-imago et eidos-species ) aussi distincts que leurs fonctions sont différentes sur le plan ontologique et métaphysique. (shrink)

This article expands our knowledge of the historical-philosophical process by which the dominant metaphysical account of the Christian God became ascendant. It demonstrates that Marius Victorinus proposed a peculiar model of ‘consubstantiality’ that utilised a notion of ‘existence’ indebted to the Aristotelian concept of ‘prime matter’. Victorinus employed this to argue that God is a unity composed of Father and Son. The article critically evaluates this model. It then argues that Augustine noticed one of the model's philosophical (...) liabilities but did not publicly name Victorinus when he rejected it in De Trinitate, thereby exemplifying the practice of private ‘rebuke’ (ἐλέγχɛιν). (shrink)

De Marius Victorinus à la Nouvelle Vulgate, ces deux versets ont été dans l’exégèse latine le lieu d’interrogations sur la signification du terme grec ξένοι et sur le rapport des Juifs et des Non-Juifs avant et après le Christ. Ils ont permis d’approfondir le sens théologique de l’hospitalité. Ils ont aussi contribué à développer l’idée d’un dépassement de l’antique hospitalité en vue d’une fraternité universelle dans une cité ou une demeure commune. Il serait dommage d’oublier ou de négliger (...) cet héritage biblique, en particulier dans la réflexion contemporaine sur l’unité européenne. (shrink)

Like his predecessor Marius Victorinus, Augustine tried to find the image of the divine Trinity, as understood by Western pro‑Nicene theology, in the human soul, created, according to Gn 1 :26f., in the image of God. Unlike Victorinus, Augustine finds this image not in the soul as such but only in the rational soul capable of intellectual insight, i.e. the mind (mens). The „image” of the divine Trinity is thus constituted by the mind itself and its self‑knowledge (...) and self‑love (De trin. IX) or, alternatively, by memory, intellectual insight, and will (De trin. X). Apart from this Neo‑Platonising exposition, Augustine attempted to show a longer path to the same goal, intended, in his words, for „slower” readers (De trin. XI‑XIV). This „Aristotelianising” procedure gradually seeks analogous triads on the level of sense perception, imagination, and practical reason. However, these triads are not the image of God in a true sense, but only the way to find it in the mind. Finally, in the last book of his work, Augustine uses this image to develop his idea of the divine Trinity (De trin. XV). (shrink)

English summary: Appearing late in metaphysics, existence became one of the unavoidable major points of philosophy. This volume traces the philosophical history of existence; born in late Antiquity to singularize the being of Christ, developed in the Middle Ages to understand the being of a created world, existence became in the Enlightenment the being of Man. French description: A la difference de nombreux concepts herites d'Aristote, l'existence fait en metaphysique une entree aussi discrete que tardive, avant de devenir un theme (...) a ce point majeur qu'aucune philosophie n'a pu s'en dispenser, en depit d'un paradoxe constitutif : l'existence n'est-elle pas l'autre absolu de la pensee? Pourquoi l'existence s'est-elle constamment maintenue, au-dela du questionnement metaphysique qui fut son horizon medieval, jusqu'a constituer un des concepts fondamentaux de toute anthropologie? Pour repondre, une histoire de l'existence dans la longue duree s'imposait, qui entreprenne d'en relever les mutations principales : nee dans l'Antiquite tardive pour singulariser l'etre du Christ, developpee au Moyen Age pour apprehender l'etre du monde cree, l'existence qualifie, aux temps des Lumieres, l'etre de l'homme. Le premier volet de cette histoire complexe analyse l'emergence de l'existence aux cotes de l'etre, puis en concurrence avec lui. Il retrace le lent processus medieval de son incorporation a la philosophie, de Marius Victorinus a la scolastique moderne : existe ce qui se pose a partir de son origine, puis hors de sa cause. Ainsi l'existence fut-elle premierement exposee. (shrink)

What does it mean for Christ to be the "image of God"? And, if Christ is the "image of God," can the human person also unequivocally be understood to be the "image of God"? Augustine's Early Theology of Image examines Augustine's conception of the imago dei and makes the case that it represents a significant departure from the Latin pro-Nicene theologies of Hilary of Poitiers, Marius Victorinus, and Ambrose of Milan only a generation earlier. Augustine's predecessors understood the (...) imago dei principally as a Christological term designating the unity of divine substance. But, Gerald P. Boersma argues, Augustine affirms that Christ is an image of equal likeness, while the human person is an image of unequal likeness. Boersma's careful study thus argues that a Platonic and participatory evaluation of the nature of "image" enables Augustine's early theology of the image of God to move beyond that of his Latin predecessors and affirm the imago dei both of Christ and of the human person. (shrink)

Here we are witness to the great cultural event of the West, the emergence of a Latin philosophical language translated from the Greek. Once again, it would be necessary to make a systematic study of the formation of this technical vocabulary that, thanks to Cicero, Seneca, Tertullian, Victorinus, Calcidius, Augustine, and Boethius, would leave its mark, by way of the Middle Ages, on the birth of modern thought. Can it be hoped that one day, with current technical means, it (...) will be possible to compile a complete lexicon of the correspondences of philosophical terminology in Greek and Latin? Furthermore, lengthy commentaries would be needed, for the most interesting task would be to analyze the shifts in meaning that take place in the movement from one language to another. In the case of the ontological vocabulary the translation of ousia by substantia, for example, is justly famous and has again recently inspired some remarkable studies. This brings us once more to a phenomenon we discretely alluded to earlier with the word philosophia, and which we will encounter throughout the present discussion: the misunderstandings, shifts or losses in meaning, the reinterpretations, sometimes even to the point of misreading, that arise once tradition, translation, and exegesis coexist. So our history of the Hellenistic and Roman thought will consist above all of recognizing and analyzing the evolution of meanings and significance. Pierre Hadot holds the chair of the History of Hellenistic and Roman Thought at the Collège de France. He is the author of many books and articles on the history of ancient philosophy and theology. Among his works are Plotin et la simplicité du regard, Porphyre et Vitctorinus, Marius Victorinus: Recherches sur sa vie et ses oeuvres, and Exercises spirituels et philosophie antique. Arnold I. Davidson, executive editor of Critical Inquiry, is associate professor of philosophy and a member of the Committees on the Conceptual Foundations of Science and General Studies in the Humanities at the University of Chicago. He introduced and edited the “Symposium on Heidegger and Nazism” . He is currently working on the history of horror as it relates to the epistemology of norms and deviations. Paula Wissing, a free-lance translator and editor, has recently translated Marcel Detienne and Jean-Pierre Vernant’s The Cuisine of Sacrifice among the Greeks . She also contributed translations of articles by Maurice Blanchot, Philippe Lacoue-Labarthe, and Emmanuel Levinas for the “Symposium on Heidegger and Nazism.”. (shrink)

Le premier commentaire à l’Isagoge de Porphyre, réalisé à partir de la version de Marius Victorinus, semble avoir été pour Boèce l’occasion de faire converger deux analyses, mises au service d’un même idéalisme culturel, l’une propre à une certaine philologie, en un sens qu’il conviendra de définir, l’autre propre à la philosophie, dans son acception classique. Par bien des aspects, ce double cheminement nous paraît présenter des analogies avec ce que l’on observera à la Renaissance, lorsque les approches (...) linguistiques et gnoséologiques se verront associées dans le déchiffrement de textes dont la teneur se révèle à même de susciter l’élévation et l’accomplissement de l’homme. (shrink)

In lieu of an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:BOOK REVIEWS 453 PAUL HENRY (19o6-1984) Paul Henry was a renowned scholar of Plotinus and Neo-Platonism. Born in Louvain, the son of a chemistry professor at the university there, he was sent to school in England during World War I. He then returned to Belgium, and studied philosophy and theology at Louvain, and joined the Society of Jesus. He did further studies in Paris in Middle Eastern culture, and (...) studied Arabic in Syria, Lebanon, and Palestine. In Rome he did further studies and received an S.T.D. from the Pontifical Gregorian University, as well as a Licentiate in Sacred Scripture from the Pontifical Gregorian University. He was appointed professor at the Institut Catholique in Paris. He published several fundamental studies on Plotinus and the development of NeoPlatonism in Western thought. He and Hans Rudolf Schwyzer of Zurich collaborated on the critical edition of Plotinus's Enneads,and he and his former student, Pierre Hadot, produced the critical edition of the theological treatises of Marius Victorinus. Paul Henry made his first visit to the United States in 1952 where he was a visiting professor at Fordham. At a meeting of the American Philosophical Association that year he met Richard Popkin. They became close friends. This led to Henry being invited to be a visiting professor at the University of Iowa, to give the Foster lecture on the immortality of the soul at the University of California, Berkeley, and to his later being appointed a regular professor at the University of California, San Diego. He also was a visiting professor at the University of Pennsylvania, Duke, Northwestern, the College of New Rochelle and St. John's University in New York. Paul Henry was an important consultant and adviser to the JournaloftheHistoryofPhilosophy in its early years. With his vast erudition, his understanding of the different kinds of scholarship being undertaken in Europe and America, in Catholic and non-Catholic institutions, he was able to assist us in finding the best scholarly articles, the best referees and reviewers of materials in many fields. Paul Henry was a person of immense charm, vivacity and humanity. He was able to break down barriers between people of differing backgrounds, and to form deep, abiding friendships with students and scholars all over the world. He took great interest in a variety of ventures to increase learning and understanding in intellectual history. His concerns ranged from early Christian thought, pagan Neo-Platonism, the fusion of the two in Victorinus and Augustine, up to leading intellectual ideas in modern European thought such as the structuralism of LeviStrauss and the theology of Teilhard de Chardin. He encouraged young and maturing scholars in America and Europe, and tried to bring out the very best of their abilities. He encouraged the understanding of different thought systems, the appreciation of their strengths and weaknesses. And, perhaps as much as any one in the post-second-World-War period, he encouraged frank and open discussions between Catholic and non-Catholic scholars, and thereby built many bridges. Those who knew him have profited immensely from his learning, wisdom and humanity. Those who worked to launch and develop the Journal are especially grateful for his help and support in the early days of this venture. We hope that his scholarship will encourage many others to develop fresh understandings of Neo-Platonism and its importance in the philosophical, theological and scientific world, from ancient times to the present. He will be sorely missed, but he has left a great legacy to those working in the history of philosophy. RICHARD H. POPKIN... (shrink)

In lieu of an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:BOOK REVIEWS 133 The Foundations of Mysticism. Vol. I of The Pl'.esence of God: A History of Western Christian Mysticism. By BERNARD McGINN. New York: Crossroad, 1991. Pp. xxii and 49. Index and bibliography. $39.00 (cloth). With this work Bernard McGinn delivers the first of a projected four volume History of Western Christian Mysticism. The Foundations in· cludes, as one might expect, the Scriptural tradition, Neoplatonic phi· losophy, early (...) Greek Fathers who influenced the Latins, as well as the early "Founders" Ambrose and Augustine. Judged by the quality of its start, this work promises to become a standard history for years to come. The author displays a stunning acquaintance with the sources of a subject that extends over full twenty centuries. Though " spe-·cialized " in the spirituality of the high and late Middle Ages (he has written substantial studies on Joachim de Fiore and Eckhart), the Chi· cago professor has admirably succeeded in mastering the mass of per· tinent literature of this early period, as the 150 pages of notes and bibliography testify. His ideas are clearly presented, his evaluations of others critical yet generous, his overall judgment impressively balanced. Moreover, he ventures well beyond the usual territory. His work in- -eludes subjects rarely discussed hut often alluded to in the history of.early Christian spirituality: e.g. Gnosticism, which appears here not as a " heresy ", but as a spiritual movement in its own right. The thorough discussion of Philo together with the introductory chapter on 4 ' The Jewish Matrix" (somewhat improperly entitled since it deals only with the Hebrew Bible) display an unusual appreciation of the underestimated influence of Jewish mysticism. One would have been happy to read more about Marius Victorinus, hut is grateful to find him present at all. A historical survey of this scope may easily degenerate into an enumeration of titles and trends, whereby ideas are treated as facts. Professor McGinn has judiciously avoided that. Entire sections of his history are rich monographs about spiritual systems treated for their intrinsic interest rather than as transitory moments of an indifferent history. The sections dealing with Origen, Evagrius, and Ambrose in particular deserve to be read as independent treatises. The long concluding chapter on Augustine also presents a marvelous synthesis, though one primarily written from the point of view of its later impact. In a study of this nature the definition of its formal object presents.a unique problem. Before the late Middle Ages the concept of a purely private spiritual experience remained largely unknown in Christian 134 BOOK REVIEWS spirituality and until the seventeenth century even the substantive " my,;· ticism ", referring to a separate activity, did not exist. H what we now take to be characteristic were to serve as normative concept, almost all spiritual writers of the :first Christian millennium and a good many after that would he excluded. Moreover, the subjective mystical ex· perience remains inaccessible to the historian. McGinn has wisely confined his subject to the spiritual text in its social and ecclesiastical context. But this choice leads to a further, equally difficult question: What constitutes a mystical text? Obviously not all religious or theo· logical writings are mystical. Protestant theologians of the nineteenth century tended to consider a genuine Christian faith incompatible with mysticism, while prominent students of mysticism in this century (such as Underhill, Butler) :remained highly suspicious of speculative theology, including the so-called "mystical" one, But friend and foe of mysticism agree that the mystical, however conceived, cannot simply he identified with the religious. Some scholars, such as von Hiigel, distinguish the mystical from other aspects of religion, but leave its positive content vague and controvertible. Avoiding a precision which the nature of the subject precludes, McGinn nevertheless goes to the heart of the matter in :referring to the mystical as to the dynamic power that drives the religious mind toward the experienced presence of God, without necessarily bringing it to the state of full union. The author's position appears in the felicitous choice of the general title: The Presence God. All religious life aims at entering into the presence of God. But " mystical " religious texts speak of a particular mode of divine presence, not ordinarily... (shrink)

Article Patristique -- Patristique latine -- Article Littérature latine chrétienne -- De lectis non lecta componere (Marius Victorinus, Adversus Arium II 7) : raisonnement théologique et raisonnement juridique -- Comptes rendus des conférences données à l'École Pratique des Hautes Études de 1964 à 1980 -- L'entretien d'Origène avec Héraclide et le commentaire de Saint Ambroise sur l'Évangile de Saint Luc -- Une source de l'Apologia David d'Ambroise : les commentaires de Didyme et d'Origène sur le psaume 50 -- (...) Citations de Porphyre chez Augustin : a propos d'un ouvrage récent -- La présentation du Platonisme par Augustin -- L'image de la Trinité dans l'âme chez Victorinus et chez saint Augustin -- Quelques thèmes fondamentaux des Confessions de saint Augustin -- Un fragment du commentaire perdu de Boèce sur les Catégories d'Aristote dans le Codex bernensis 363 -- Typus, stoïcisme et monarchianisme au IVe siècle d'après Candide l'Arien et Marius Victorinus -- Cancellatus respectus : l'usage du chiasme en logique -- La notion d'infini chez saint Augustin -- De Tertullien à Boèce : développement de la notion de personne dans les controverses théologiques. (shrink)

The first part of the article presents some aspects of Augustinian interiority, highlighting those characteristics that are most forgotten or ignored today, pointing out that despite the Platonic and Neoplatonic influences, St. Augustine was not converted to the truths of Platonism, but to the truths of Christianity, without denying the influence that Platonic and Neoplatonic ideas had on the thought of St. Augustine, particularly from his contact with the “Milanese Neoplatonic circle”. The article points out that St. Augustine goes beyond (...) the philosophical “spiritual exercises” to emphasize the fundamental role of grace in the whole spiritual journey. To be able to leave the world of exteriority and return to one’s inner self will always be a gift from God. Subsequently, the text of beata u. 35 is analysed, highlighting the importance of the admonitiones of God, through the Holy Spirit, to return to one’s inner self, as well as the characteristics of the encounter with God, since the God discovered in one’s own heart is Triune God. It is emphasized how many of the expressions and vocabulary in these Augustinian disquisitions are taken from the anti-Arian writings of Marius Victorinus. Subsequently, the text of sol. 1, 2-3 is analysed, in order to highlight not only the importance of the Holy Spirit, who invites us to return to the interior, but also the particularities of the encounter with the Father and the Son, pointing out the various characteristics that distinguish them. (shrink)

Thirteenth-century debates on time are frequently reduced to the opposition between an Ancient tradition, embodied by Augustine, and the Aristotelian philosophy as “physicalist” reading of the problem. However, before the diffusion of the Latin translation of Aristotle’s Physics, notions such as ‘time’, ‘eternity’, ‘aevum’, and ‘present’ have a rich range of meanings and nuances which cannot be considered a mere repetition of an ‘Augustinian model’. A systematic analysis of selected passages of Marius Victorinus’ Explanationes in Ciceronis Rhetoricam provides (...) a representative example of this complexity, making available new conceptual material to reconstruct the sources of the medieval discussions about time and durations. (shrink)

This short article is intended to contribute to the solution of a known locus desperatus of the Augustinian Confessions. The Author proposes that 8, 2, 3 should be read spirabat paululum iam instead of spirabat † popilios iam †. The conjecture is reminiscent of Catil. 61, 4 paululum etian spirans concerning Catilina’s death. Catilina’s death is a metaphor for the fall of Roman paganism, and for Marius Victorinus’s and Augustine's personal lives as well as their conversions. Ruggiero adds (...) further evidence to Manlio Simonetti’s arguments as shown in the «Nota al Testo» preceding his edition of Confessiones for the Italian collection “Lorenzo Valla”: common mistakes such as popilios iam were already in the edition’s manuscript. (shrink)

This paper proposes to determine and identify the origin of the gens Valgia from Arpinum. It is possible that the Valgii, by taking advantage of the political success of Gaius Marius, like other Arpinum families, already succeeded in obtaining the senatorial rank towards the end of the 2nd and the beginning of the 1st century BC. Later, thanks to Sulla's and Caesar's reforms, who sought allies among the powerful local gentes, the Valgii could consolidate their presence in Rome, (...) until reaching the consulate in 12 BC. (shrink)

Si Numénius, en platonicien de son temps, a utilisé le Timée et la République pour élaborer et étayer sa pensée métaphysique et cosmologique, il est devenu coutume de penser qu’il a également eu recours au Parménide dans sa description du premier principe. Il peut même paraître tentant d’identifier chez lui ce principe à l’Un. L’examen attentif de son œuvre ne fournit cependant que peu d’indices en ce sens et convainc même qu’elle ne permet pas une telle interprétation. Malgré ces conclusions, (...) l’hypothèse persiste pour des raisons qui tiennent principalement à l’histoire de la philosophie et aux recherches qu’elle suscite. Elle est en effet souvent reprise pour trois raisons, présentées comme corollaires : le statut propre à Numénius de platonicien pythagorisant, prédécesseur de Plotin ; les affinités réelles entre sa pensée et celle du Commentaire anonyme au Parménide ; les parallèles également entrevus entre ses formules et celles de la source supposée commune au Zostrien et au Contre Arius de Marius Victorinus, conçue quant à elle comme fort proche du Commentaire anonyme. Autrement dit, sont invoquées trois raisons nées moins de l’étude de l’œuvre de Numénius elle-même que de la recherche des sources d’autres textes en mal d’auteur et d’origines bien définies, recherche se fondant en partie sur les prétendus liens entre Numérius et ses « pairs » en pythagorisme. L’étude proposée comporte trois parties indépendantes, examinant chacune de ces trois raisons avec les hypothèses qui lui sont associées. Après une esquisse des principaux tenants de la pensée de Numénius, cette première partie aborde les rapports parfois perçus et ceux encore perceptibles entre son œuvre et le Parménide. Elle montre que Numénius n’a visiblement pas utilisé le dialogue de Platon pour élaborer sa propre doctrine des deux premiers principes et a même pu adopter une relative distance à l’égard de l’Un de la première hypothèse, suivant en cela une injonction qu’il a pu penser percevoir chez Platon lui-même. Dès ce premier examen, il apparaît que l’œuvre parvenue de Numénius ne suggère pas de bouleverser la conception la plus courante de l’histoire du platonisme en faisant de Numénius le précurseur de Plotin dans l’interprétation métaphysique du Parménide. L’interrogation sur son rapport à ce dialogue fournit même a contrario les critères d’une interprétation réellement néoplatonicienne de la seconde partie de celui-ci. Un prolongement de cette étude montre toutefois que Numénius a pu inspirer Plotin dans son interprétation de certaines formules du Parménide historique lui-même. (shrink)

Les articles rassembles dans ce recueil sont l'echo de quarante annees de recherches consacrees a Plotin et a son celebre disciple Porphyre. Ces etudes sont de style varie. Quelques-unes presentent des exposes synthetiques et generaux sur la pensee de ces auteurs, d'autres s'interessent plutot a des problemes particuliers de doctrine, notamment a la theorie de l'etre chez Plotin ou chez Porphyre, d'autres encore a des problemes psychologiques, comme celui de l'auto-erotique chez Plotin, d'autres enfin a des interpretations de texte ou (...) a des problemes de critique textuelle. L'environnement spirituel des deux penseurs n'est pas oublie, notamment l'etrange phenomene des Oracles Chaldaiques. Pierre Hadot a ete successivement chercheur au CNRS, Directeur d'etudes a l'Ecole pratique des Hautes Etudes et Professeur au College de France. Dans son oeuvre tres importante rappellons d'abord son edition-commentaire de Marius Victorinus, Porphyre et Victorinus, ou toute la metaphysique neo-platonicienne est reconstituee; sa serie de traductions avec commentaires de traites de Plotin, et tout un ensemble de travaux consacres a la philosophie hellenistque et romaine: Exercices spirituels et philosophie antique, Introduction aux pensees de Marc-Aurele. La citadelle interieure. Les Belles Lettres ont publie les deux premiers volumes de ses travaux et articles et le premier volume de son edition de Marc-Aurele. (shrink)

Following some methodological remarks, the article first demonstrates the possibility of determining indirectly Augustine’s patristic sources in De Trinitate, while it also takes into account the author’s indications of his sources in other of his writings. The presence of Marius Victorinus in Books 5-7 is also underscored. The second half of the article, while acknowledging a certain Neoplatonic philosophical influence behind similitudo mentis, nevertheless attributes Augustine’s first awareness of this concept to Victorinus. In addition, the psychological analyses (...) found in Books 9-10 are traceable principally to the theory of oikeiosis present in Latin authors, in primis, Cicero. (shrink)

Several elements suggest that Polybius’ description of the Roman army in Book VI of his Histories depicts a rather outdated military system, making it hard to accept it as an up-to-date portrait of the legions by the mid-second century BC. After all, the Roman army had been experiencing a series of changes since the mid-third century that were affecting both the army’ structure and how citizens experienced military service. This paper argues that the famous episode of Spurius Ligustinus (Livy 42.34) (...) contains several suggestions about the nature of these changes and their social ramifications. Although Livy embellished his source for rhetorical reasons, this episode still offers crucial evidence not only on the Roman army but especially, through the figure of Ligustinus himself, on the mid-Republican citizen-soldiers. Through a careful examination of key sections of this episode this paper aims to explore how, by this point, the army already presented features traditionally associated with Gaius Marius and his reforms, thus further emphasizing the outdatedness of Polybius’ description. By offering the very unique profile of an individual Roman citizen of the mid-second century and his relationship with military service, the speech of Ligustinus depicts a more believable and up-to-date representation of military service during the crucial decades of Roman Mediterranean expansion. (shrink)

The papers which constitute this volume, and which were first presented at a Conference in 1978 at the Catholic University of America, are arranged chronologically according to the five periods in which Neoplatonism confronted Christianity: Patristic, Later Greek and Byzantine, Medieval Latin, Renaissance, and Modern. Its editor suggests, in his valuable "Introduction", that the papers fall also into three groups in line with their contents. The first group concerns Christian thinkers who knew and used specific Neoplatonic texts and includes the (...) following: H. D. Saffrey, "New Objective Links Between the Pseudo-Dionysius and Proclus"; J. Dillon, "Origen's Doctrine of the Trinity and Some Later Neoplatonic Theories"; J. Pépin, "The Platonic and Christian Ulysses"; M. T. Clark, "A Neoplatonic Commentary on the Christian Trinity: Marius Victorinus"; J. O'Meara, "The Neoplatonism of Saint Augustine"; G. H. Allard, "The Primacy of Existence in the Thought of Eriugena"; C. Fabro, "The Overcoming of the Neoplatonic Triad of Being, Life and Intellect by Thomas Aquinas"; B. McGinn, "Meister Echkart on God as Absolute Unity"; E. Bieman, "Triads and Trinity in the Poetry of Robert Browning"; M. Rose, "The Christian Platonism of C. S. Lewis, J. R. R. Tolkien and Charles Williams.". (shrink)

Augustine’s accounts of his so-called mystical experiences in conf. 7.10.16, 17.23, and 9.10.24 are puzzling. The primary problem is that, although in all three accounts he claims to have seen “that which is,” we have no satisfactory account of what “that which is” is supposed to be. I shall be arguing that, contrary to a common interpretation, Augustine’s intellectual “seeing” of “being” in Books 7 and 9 was not a vision of the Christian God as a whole, nor of one (...) of the divine persons, each of whom is equally God, according to Augustine. This becomes clear when we attend to the fact that Augustine is appropriating a specific meaning of “that which is” or “being” used by Plotinus in his account of the lover of Beauty. This resolution, however, leads to a second question. Is there anything distinctively Christian about any, or all, of Augustine’s ascents? On the one hand, it would be odd if there were not, given that the Confessions are addressed to the Christian God. On the other hand, upon close inspection we find that the allegedly specific “Christian” characteristics that modern commentators have identified in the ascents of conf. 7 and 9 also occur in the Neoplatonists. I will argue that there is in fact one important difference between Augustine and the Neoplatonists here that has not been pointed out in these prior interpretations. (shrink)